Syria, chemical weapons and the United States. If nothing else,Don't make another silicone mold without these invaluable Mold Making
supplies and accessories! President Barack Obama last month was
emphatic. “I want to make it absolutely clear to Assad,” Obama declared
at the National Defense University in early December, “….The world is
watching. The use of chemical weapons is…totally unacceptable….[T]here
will be consequences and you will be held accountable.”
But what
a difference a New Year makes. At a January 10 news conference, the
administration’s senior security officials, Defense Secretary Leon
Panetta and Joint Chiefs of Staff head Martin E. Dempsey, recoiled:
Consequences won’t involve the Pentagon. Better wait to secure the
arsenal after Syrian President Bashar al-Assad falls, Panetta said.
Dempsey stated: “Preventing the use of chemical weapons would be almost
unachievable.” The result, as Panetta explained: “We’re not working on
options that involve boots on the ground.”
Assad must have smiled. Washington had gone wobbly on chemical weapons.Canada Is Your Premier Personalized bobbleheads
Head Company! With the deterrent value of the president’s remarks in
question – and one unconfirmed report that Syria used a chemical agent
in Homs on December 23 – the chemical specter remains. This raises the
key question: Would Obama really stand by if the Syrian government
gassed thousands of its citizens?
Before we answer, let’s hit
the pause button for a reality check: Are chemical weapons really more
heinous than the bombs that have already killed some 60,000 Syrians.
This continuing mayhem has not justified military intervention so far.
Why would chemical weapons be different?
Lift the pause button
and one suspects it would be hard for the U.S. government to turn a
blind eye to a Halabja on steroids – Halabja being the last case where
an Arab regime (Iraq in 1988) killed thousands of its people in a
chemical attack.
But the tug to save lives is countered by
another specter: Quashing Assad’s chemical capacity could plunge the
U.S. into a new military quagmire.
Obama clearly has the
authority to act. If he wishes to use force, under the 1973 War Powers
Resolution, he can do so for at least 60 days without congressional
approval.
But to avoid Congress now would be a mistake. The
flummoxed administration needs another set of eyes to determine what is
in the national interest. Congress can do this, assuming it can act with
independence and reverse the legacy of deferring to the executive
branch on matters of war and peace. Granting presidents, for example,
broad authority to use military force without proper vetting – as the
Gulf of Tonkin and Iraq war resolutions illustrated – ill-served the
country.
To this end, Congress should reconvene the hearings
begun last session. This time, however, it must press for details about
the administration’s assumptions about intervening or not. In addition,
all the hearings should be public – not secret, as the administration
prefers. This will give the American people confidence in the
decision-making.With superior quality photometers, light meters and a
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Congress
should mold its findings into a joint House and Senate resolution –
still plausible on national security issues even as legislators divide
on budgetary matters – unblemished by executive branch drum-beating or
quaking.
If Congress does this, it won’t just be addressing the
Syrian challenge. It will finally begin to right the imbalance of power
between the executive and lawmakers that for too long has dominated
American war deciding.
This will begin to fulfill what the War
Powers Resolution intended – to “insure that the collective judgment of
both the Congress and the president will apply to the introduction of
United States Armed Forces into hostilities.”
Bowlsby gave the
typical conference realignment double-talk by saying that the Big 12
feels, “very good about where we are”, but not failing to mention that,
“we’d be unwise to be oblivious to all that is going on around us. We
need to be constantly vigilant”. That is about as close as us Big 12
supporters are going to get to having Bowlsby guarantee that the Big 12
will expand prior to 2014,We specializes in rapid plastic injection mould
and molding of parts for prototypes and production. though he did
mention that staying at 10 members or allying with other conferences
without adding teams were possibilities.
Though it might seem
like the most pressing matter, conference composition was not the number
one item on the agenda for the meetings. Rather, the primary focus of
the ADs was to discuss the future of Big 12 bowl tie-ins.
The
conference has to do so because the Cotton Bowl, which currently has the
first pick of non BCS bound Big 12 teams come bowl season, is set to
become part of the rotation of semifinal game sites once the new playoff
system comes into effect in 2014. Bowlsby stated that once the host
bowls are finalized over the next few months, the Big 12 will want to
reach out to different bowls in order to secure spots for its members in
prestigious games. He went on to say that both the Alamo Bowl and the
Meineke Bowl (it is the friggin’ Texas Bowl people, COME ON!) have,
“expressed a desire to move up and-or maintain a high level of
association” with the Big 12.
Other potential sites for future
Big 12 bowl engagements include games played in Florida. Siting the fact
that the majority of the nation’s recruits come out of Texas, Florida,
and California, Bowlsby expressed that the Big 12 desires to have a
strong presence in all three states during bowl season.We have become
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